Overestimates of current Black–White economic equality as a function of perceiver race, where a score of 0 indicates accuracy with federal estimates. Fig. Movin’ on up? When it comes to race relations in the United States, in other words, most Americans hold an unyielding belief in a specific, optimistic narrative regarding racial progress that is robust to counterexamples: that society has come a very long way already and is moving rapidly and perhaps naturally toward full racial equality (Eibach & Ehrlinger, 2006; Hur & Ruttan, 2019). 7. Search across a wide variety of disciplines and sources: articles, theses, books, abstracts and court opinions. Simply select your manager software from the list below and click on download. Far too many psychological studies of racial bias concern themselves solely with the intentions of individual actors, examining the extent to which bias is implicit versus explicit (Greenwald, Nosek, & Banaji, 2003) and whether people are or are not motivated to control or express prejudice (Devine, 1989; Plant & Devine, 1998). The Numbers Don’t Speak for Themselves: Racial Disparities and the Persistence of Inequa... Do Color Blindness and Multiculturalism Remedy or Foster Discrimination and Racism? (, Saguy, T., Tausch, N., Dovidio, J. F., Pratto, F. (, Stephens, N. M., Markus, H. R., Fryberg, S. A. Add co-authors Co-authors. Follow this author. A growing body of research indicates that the perception that some racial differences may be closing—most notably, the relative population share of different groups, voting, and/or political power—can engender status threat among White Americans that, in turn, can negatively affect support for equity-enhancing policies (e.g., Blumer, 1958; Bobo, 1999; Craig & Richeson, 2014; Craig et al., 2018; Major & Kaiser, 2017; Richeson & Sommers, 2016; Wilkins, Hirsch, Kaiser, & Inkles, 2017; Wilkins & Kaiser, 2014). Even under conditions in which moments of racial retrenchment and associated activism seem to shift implicit and explicit racial attitudes (Sawyer & Gampa, 2018), these changes rarely manifest themselves in material progress toward racial economic equality. Done. Members of _ can log in with their society credentials below, Michael W. Kraus, Ivuoma N. Onyeador, Natalie M. Daumeyer, Julian M. Rucker, and Jennifer A. Richeson, This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 License (. Although we are optimistic about being able to reduce misperceptions of racial equality, the observed gaps between perception and reality, particularly with regard to the Black–White wealth gap, are among the largest effects we have collectively observed in our combined experience in the field of social psychology—too wide even for psychological manipulations to completely allay. It is particularly important that the social sciences make direct connections between race and economic inequality, because much of political discourse on the topic takes cues from our analyses (or lack thereof; e.g., Chetty, Hendren, Jones, & Porter, 2018; Darity et al., 2015; Laurin, Engstrom, & Alic, 2018; Piff, Kraus, & Keltner, 2018; Piketty, 2015). Attributing gender discrimination to implicit bias has become increasingly common. In a sense, even limited progress and the mechanisms that give rise to it (e.g., changes in the law) are readily reinterpreted as the goal of racial equality itself being achieved (Eibach & Purdie-Vaughns, 2011). This interesting pattern could be due to any number of sociocognitive factors, including the recent national salience of low-status refugees attempting to cross the U.S. southern border and widespread societal ignorance of the contributions of Latinx people to the nation (Golden-Vazquez, 2019). Though the accumulated evidence reviewed here points to willful ignorance of racial economic inequality, we have also highlighted the potential for educational initiatives to enhance understanding of and appreciation for wealth in general and racial-wealth gaps in particular, so long as those initiatives acknowledge, systematically and with nuance, the significant role that racism has played in the creation of these wealth gaps. 9). Done. Overall, then, these analyses suggest that Americans with higher societal-group status (e.g., high-income Whites) tend to endorse narratives of racial progress more strongly than their lower-status counterparts; we argue that this set of beliefs engenders the misperception of racial economic equality. This particular methodology, under which respondents estimate equality, is not without its limitations (Davidai & Gilovich, 2018; Eriksson & Simpson, 2013; Nero, Swan, Chambers, & Heesacker, 2018; Swan, Chambers, Heesacker, & Nero, 2017; but see also DeBell, 2017). Fig. People high in the belief in societal fairness and/or in political conservatism also tend to think that economic mobility is more likely than is suggested by federal data (Davidai & Gilovich, 2015; Kraus & Tan, 2015)—a belief that also attenuates distress about societal economic inequality and, thus, reduces support for equity-enhancing policies (Day & Fiske, 2017; McCall, Burk, Laperrière, & Richeson, 2017). In essence, a sense that one’s membership in a high-socioeconomic-status group is based in part on the accident of birth, chance, or unfair advantage, rather than one’s own individual merit or hard work, is sufficiently psychologically threatening to motivate some high-income White Americans to deny the extent of relevant forms of societal inequality and, thus, to overestimate current levels of racial economic equality. My … View or download all the content the society has access to. A. Richeson), and NSF Social, Behavioral, and Economic Sciences Postdoctoral Research Fellowship 1809370 (to I. N. Onyeador). A study of economic inequality that ignores racial patterning misses a central causal pathway in our understanding of inequality, a pathway supported by a historical and contemporary analysis of economic inequality in individual cities (Shedd, 2015) and in America writ large (Alexander, 2012). Consistent with our hypothesis regarding the role of the American racial-progress narrative, the magnitude of these overestimates increased linearly across time, F(1, 1007) = 743.20, p < .001. Of course, one way to increase the accuracy of people’s perceptions of racial economic equality is to actually increase racial economic equality—that is, reduce inequality. Supplemental MaterialAdditional supporting information can be found at http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/suppl/10.1177/1745691619863049. These estimates tend to be noisy, subject to anchoring effects, and reliant on the mathematical competency of lay people, not to mention that their accuracy is measured against economic data (i.e., federal statistics) that are also estimated (Nero et al., 2017). The ways in which perceivers access mental representations of racial-minority groups, the motivations that shape which representations are activated, and in what contexts high-status versus low-status exemplars are most likely to be activated are all topics in need of future research. Follow this author . Follow this author . Add co-authors Co-authors. In a recent survey conducted by the Pew Foundation, for instance, 14% of White Americans said that being White leads to disadvantages in America relative to being a racial minority (Menasce Horowitz, Brown, & Cox, 2019). The large black dots show mean perceptions of Black wealth if White wealth is $100. Professor Richeson’s research examines multiple psychological phenomena related to cultural diversity. Therefore, a converging set of studies should examine people’s actual contact across race and class lines, the extent to which conversations about racial and other forms of inequality take place during these encounters and, of course, whether these experiences increase people’s awareness of the current state of racial economic inequality in the nation. The survey was broadly representative of the United States in terms of region, income, gender, and race (see Supplemental Material available online). And although these status characteristics are imbued with cultural meaning and shape basic psychological processes (Destin, Rheinschmidt-Same, & Richeson, 2017; Kraus, Piff, Mendoza-Denton, Rheinschmidt, & Keltner, 2012; Sen & Wasow, 2016; Stephens, Markus, & Fryberg, 2012), they are also fundamental to defining access to social spaces and resources (e.g., Massey & Denton, 1993; Richeson & Sommers, 2016; Ridgeway, 2014). Likewise, a reduction in the acceptance of public expressions of racial prejudice gets reinterpreted as the eradication of such prejudice in the hearts and minds of Americans (Bonilla-Silva, 2017; Crandall, Eshleman, & O’Brien, 2002; Devine, 1989). (, Fisman, R., Jakiela, P., Kariv, S., Markovits, D. (, Gaertner, S. L., Dovidio, J. F., Anastasio, P. A., Bachman, B. New articles related to this author's research. New articles by this author. This "Cited by" count includes citations to the following articles in Scholar. Add co-authors Co-authors. But such efforts must be enacted with care. The horizontal red line highlights that a score of 0 indicates accuracy with federal estimates, and the individual dots represent respondents from our national panel survey. In both estimates, a score of 0 indicates accuracy and positive scores indicate overestimates. Failing to center or even acknowledge the racial patterns of economic inequality perpetuates a dangerous myth about American contemporary political life: that economic politics and policy can be divorced from the racial identities of the people these policies disproportionately affect. Follow this author. Google Scholar Jansen, W. S., Otten, S., van der Zee, K. I. As recent research attests, exposure to veridical information about racial disparities can have the undesired effect of increasing support for the policies that produce and/or exacerbate the disparities (Hetey & Eberhardt, 2014, 2018). However, research suggests that when discrimination is attributed to … Upload PDF. (, Kraus, M. W., Piff, P. K., Mendoza-Denton, R., Rheinschmidt, M. L., Keltner, D. (, Kraus, M. W., Rucker, J. M., Richeson, J. Narratives highlighting America’s path toward, if not achievement of, racial equality dominate national discourse, are widely communicated in both literature and popular culture, and are strongly endorsed in attitude surveys (Reeves, 2018). This "Cited by" count includes citations to the following articles in Scholar. Third, without additional complexity and nuance, White Americans are more likely to experience threat at the prospect of sharing resources with racial-minority groups in ways that deepen conflict by provoking fears about loss of economic and political power (Craig & Richeson, 2014; Kteily & Richeson, 2016; Richeson & Sommers, 2016; Sidanius & Pratto, 2001). Indeed, considerable research has revealed positive associations between perceptions of society as fair and higher societal-group status (Brandt, 2013; Malahy, Rubinlicht, & Kaiser, 2009; McCoy & Major, 2007; O’Brien & Major, 2009). The foundations of motivated reasoning are grounded heavily in cognitive dissonance (Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003; Kunda, 1990), a core social psychological phenomenon that suggests that when individuals are faced with a conflict between two attitudes or an attitude and a behavior, that state is psychologically and affectively uncomfortable, and people are likely to make the easiest changes of attitude to resolve the conflict (Festinger, 1972; Festinger & Carlsmith, 1959). Second, learning about the complex experiences of racial-minority group members in the context of racial disparities should assist perceivers in locating shared experiences that build both broad intergroup coalitions (Craig & Richeson, 2012) and common in-group identity (Gaertner, Dovidio, Anastasio, Bachman, & Rust, 1993)—two social identity processes that predict greater egalitarianism. Because these responses are so inconsistent with reality, one might be tempted to dismiss them as being due to mathematical errors. For example, heightening the salience of White Americans’ declining share of the U.S. population relative to other racial minority groups—a manipulation that is known to engender group status threat among White Americans (Craig, Rucker, & Richeson, 2018)— would likely increase perceptions of racial economic equality. 2. For these reasons, we conducted a nationally representative survey of American adults to examine perceptions of the racial wealth gap. New articles by this author. The ones marked * may be different from the article in the profile. Indeed, these distortions could be why social-network diversity was only weakly predictive of participants’ estimates of racial economic equality, especially among White Americans. Upload PDF. Error bars indicate 95% confidence intervals surrounding the means. King served as action editor for this article. Indeed, we have a strong and persistent belief that our national disgrace of racial oppression has been overcome, albeit through struggle, and that racial equality has largely already been achieved (Pinkney, 1986; Seamster & Ray, 2018). PDF Restore Delete Forever. Sign in here to access free tools such as favourites and alerts, or to access personal subscriptions, If you have access to journal content via a university, library or employer, sign in here, Research off-campus without worrying about access issues. Email address for updates. View phone numbers, addresses, public records, background check reports and possible arrest records for Jennifer Richeson in Georgia (GA). To treat economic inequality as a color-blind issue oversimplifies the political landscape surrounding economic policies and how they are typically racialized (Brown-Iannuzzi et al., 2017) and obscures the reality that social safety-net policies are often opposed because they are perceived to threaten the group status of White Americans (Lowery et al., 2007; Wetts & Willer, 2018). Results From the Linear-Regression Analysis Predicting Aggregate Accuracy in Perceptions of the Black–White Wealth Gap From Our Representative-Panel Survey of Americans. Error bars indicate 95% confidence intervals surrounding the mean estimates. The study of exemplars suggests that people are indeed flexible in their activation of exemplars of racial groups in the service of momentary motivational concerns and contextual affordances. Fifth, as in prior research (Norton & Ariely, 2011), we provided definitions for wealth and income before respondents made their estimates. When we examined misperceptions at each time point separately, however, we found the pattern shown in Figure 2: Aggregating across the five economic domains, Americans tend to be fairly accurate about racial economic equality in the past but tend to overestimate it in the present (Kraus et al., 2017). At the end of that commentary, we called for renewed attention to the study of racism, especially in its more structural, cultural, and explicit forms. New articles related to this author's research. Future studies are warranted to explore this possibility. Done. Underestimates of the Asian–White wealth gap were more modest in size. Though we have focused this analysis on the U.S. context, much can be gained from a global study of inequality that also centers race. Fourth, in our analyses, we adjust for participants’ perceptions of general wealth inequality to account for the type of individual-level sources of noise that are common to economic estimates. This linear pattern also reveals the underlying belief that higher-income Black families are most likely to have achieved economic parity, just as was observed regarding higher, relative to lower, levels of educational attainment. We caution against this sort of dismissal, however, as these data are consistent with the results of other national surveys on race. The low-income group consisted of respondents earning less than $40,000 annually, whereas the high-income group consisted of respondents earning more than $100,000 annually. We compared perceptions of current relative Asian–White and Latinx–White family wealth with estimates calculated using federal data from 2013 (Darity et al., 2018). Each of the small colored dots represents one respondent’s estimate. For instance, having higher income is associated with a greater belief in the possibility of intergenerational economic mobility, a pattern that is not in line with actual estimates, which suggest that mobility is quite low in American society (Davidai & Gilovich, 2015; Kraus & Tan, 2015). When making assessments of racial equality and, presumably, progress toward it, for instance, we believe that people are more likely to activate high-status exemplars of racial-minority groups, whereas they are more likely to activate low-status exemplars in other contexts, such as when considering the carceral system (Alter, Stern, Granot, & Balcetis, 2016; Brown-Iannuzzi et al., 2017; Lei & Bodenhausen, 2017). Despite their potential to avoid these types of backlash effects, color-blind discussions of and approaches to economic inequality have a different drawback. Belief in a just world, financial literacy, and general wealth equality remained significant predictors in the model. Aside from this suggestive preliminary work, we have not yet marshalled direct experimental evidence for threat to the self or one’s social group as a central psychological process for eliciting heightened overestimates of racial economic equality, yet we view such experiments as crucial for understanding this phenomenon. Contact us if you experience any difficulty logging in. Future research is necessary to examine the robustness of this pattern of misperception and its correlates, if not potential underlying mechanisms. Being part of diversity: The effects of an all-inclusive multicultural diversity approach on majority members’ perceived inclusion and support for organizational diversity efforts . We also expected the overestimates to be greater in magnitude in the present than in the past, reflecting the American narrative of racial progress. Add co-authors Co-authors. Upload PDF. We took several steps in our work to mitigate these limitations. My … Create a link to share a read only version of this article with your colleagues and friends. New citations to this author. We next examined perceptions of current Black–White wealth disparities at multiple levels of family education and income. The ones marked * may be different from the article in the profile ... Jennifer A. Heissel. How should we think about Americans’ beliefs about economic mobility? She was a fellow at Stanford University 's Center for Comparative Studies in Race and Ethnicity. Examining the motivated search for narrative-supporting exemplars more directly is a necessary direction for future research. Search the world's information, including webpages, images, videos and more. The e-mail addresses that you supply to use this service will not be used for any other purpose without your consent. Email address for updates. This "Cited by" count includes citations to the following articles in Scholar. Psychological Science 2008 19: 2, 168-175 Download Citation . Associations with discrimination and psychological outcomes, Psi Chi Journal of Psychological Research, The Psychology of Racism: An Introduction to the Special Issue, The National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, 1968, Racism in the Structure of Everyday Worlds: A Cultural-Psychological Perspective. In this fashion, informational approaches must directly counter the stereotypic and often essentialist ideologies that support and sustain racial-group disparities by actively providing people with explanations for why these ideologies are not plausible explanations for persistent racial inequality. Background Checks. Upload PDF. Despite our general support for and enthusiasm about efforts to enhance financial literacy, our perspective from the beginning has been that Americans are reluctant to acknowledge racial disparities in economic well-being, in large part because it undermines our belief in the dominant narrative of American racial progress. Against the threat of potentially shattering this prevailing and persistent narrative of racial progress, we argue, people are motivated to explain away any evidence of stable, persistent racial inequality as noise rather than signal, at best, and as justifiable, at worst. New articles related to this author's research. Access to society journal content varies across our titles. Fig. People have representations of social groups that are stored in memory, and the associated information that we store in memory about those groups can become relatively more or less activated by features of the environment (Bodenhausen et al., 1995). Second, they are driven in part by the relative salience of high-status racial minorities. Likewise, endorsement of a structural (vs. interpersonal) lay belief about the nature of racism is associated with lower support for policies that are known to maintain vast racial disparities in mass incarceration (e.g., habitual offender laws; Rucker et al., 2019). The ones marked * may be different from the article in the profile. View or download all the content the society has access to. Upload PDF. When we examined the accuracy of these estimates, respondents underestimated the wealth gap at all five levels of household income, ts(1007) > 33.32, ps < .001, ds > 1.05. ( 2015 ). Add co-authors Co-authors. 200–206; Tropp & Barlow, 2018, pp. The ones marked * may be different from the article in the profile. We use cookies on this site to enhance the experience. We coded 200 of the responses as providing a correct or incorrect definition of wealth, where a correct answer had to include a discussion of both accrued assets and a subtraction of debts (Lusardi & Mitchell, 2011). Though mental representations for many social groups overlap considerably (Kang & Bodenhausen, 2015), studies examining connections in representations of race and class are relatively rare (Sanchez & Garcia, 2012), and those studies tend to find connections between higher economic standing and higher racial-group status. Do color blindness and multiculturalism remedy or foster discrimination and racism? Participants also significantly underestimated the percentages of these same outcomes for Whites, Ms = −5.38% (in prison) to −39.10% (arrested), ts(443) = −10.01 (in prison) to −47.93 (arrested), ps < .001. These structural conditions reduce the likelihood that all Americans, but particularly Americans who occupy high-status societal spaces and positions, will be aware of the magnitude of societal racial inequality and the range of factors that contribute to it. These limitations in 2000 to avoid these types of backlash effects, color-blind discussions of and approaches creating... 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